Commentary-Defining Bias Downward?
Commentaryâ
Defining Bias Downward?
By Tim Graham
When the election was over and George W. Bush had prevailed despite the tsunami of media-bias debris that washed over him, liberal media critics responded in a predictable way. Columbia Journalism Review Executive Editor Mike Hoyt insisted conservatives âare whining into their champagneâ and âdefining bias downward, as anything that challenges a GOP point of view.â
Mark that down as Hoytâs First Rule of Media Criticism: If your side wins, then obviously the media werenât biased and you have no right to complain. The ârealityâ of the daily media product is somehow dramatically reshaped by the election returns? Wrong. The reality is simple: The media tried very hard to lecture, urge, cajole, beg, plead, and mislead Americans into dumping President Bush, and a majority said, âNo thanks, weâll keep him.â
Itâs a common tactic for liberals to insist that conservative media criticism is hypersensitive to anyoneâs questioning GOP authority, that the mere voicing of a liberal thought by anyone in a news story is a great offense. The tactic is cute, considering how many news stories overwhelm us with liberal thoughts and sometimes insert a tentative, diplomatic Scott McClellan clip as the only hint of a rebuttal; or how many âbalancedâ interviews on morning TV pit Democratic Senator Joe Biden trashing Bush on Iraq against...Republican Senator Chuck Hagel trashing Bush on Iraq. (That was at one point so common that talk-radio host Laura Ingraham started calling it a âBagel.â)
Conservatives arenât âdefining bias downward.â Thereâs way too much media distortion to pretend weâre running out of liberal bias, as the Sierra Club likes to think weâre running out of oil. Hoyt thinks more conservative victories mean there must be less liberal bias. He doesnât consider that more conservative victories cause liberal media types to panic and push the accelerator.
The problem in 2004 is that the media kept building the media-bias issue upward: Instead of a lowered level of media partisanship, we had a heightened level. For example, we have just witnessed the final act of a major journalistic scandal: CBSâs âmyopic zealâ to defeat Bush caused the network to destroy its own credibility with a story based on â1970sâ documents that can be reproduced on Microsoft Word.
âDefining bias downwardâ is a much better description for what the Columbia Journalism Review tried to do with the Dan Rather fiasco. Its current issue features an article titled âBlog-gateâ by Corey Pein that, as the headline implies, tries to shift the spotlight of scrutiny to the scrutinizers. Peinâs very belated attempt to blur the phony-document claims into an equal-opportunity scandal â oh sure, Dan Rather made a few mistakes, exactly like those Rather-baiting bloggers â avoids the central point. This scandal begins and ends with CBS, which should not have aired a story based on documents it could not verify as authentic.
Only one side in the media-bias debate wants to pretend America doesnât recognize Dan Ratherâs arrogance. Only one side wants to believe that America can be persuaded by CBSâs ridiculous claims that â99 percentâ of its stories are âstraight down the middle.â Bush fans who watch CBS know that CBS had no Mary Mapes clone spending her days in 2004 preparing to attack John Kerry like a rabid Old Yeller. They know that Mary Mapes was not the exception at CBS News: Mary Mapes is the rule at CBS News.
She became a backstage star in the liberal media not through scoops that challenged the powerful, no matter who they are. She became a star through trashing the Republican powerful. Thatâs why everyone at CBS invested too much trust in the project. Once again, Mapes and Rather were going to lead the entire American press corps through a solid week or even month of Bush-bashing, and at a time when John Kerry boosters felt the urgent need to stop the Bush convention bounce.
As any conservative media critic should acknowledge, an argument can be made that on some days, some stories or events may provoke a bias favorable to conservatives. Itâs possible, if not probable. But the media-bias debate should not be fought on vague notions of whoâs winning and whoâs losing elections, but on the content of the daily media product. It should be incredibly hard to charge that in 2004, the mainstream media threw everything but the kitchen sink at John Kerry. Itâs incredibly easy to charge that the face in the middle of the media bullâs-eye belonged to George W. Bush.
(Tim Graham is director of media analysis at the Media Research Center.)