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COMMENTARY: Gun Ownership Debates Hides The Real Failed Policies
By Chris Powell
Gun violence is bad enough, but gun demagoguery may be worse, for it stands in
the way of ever doing something effective about the problem. Indeed, given the
gun demagoguery in Connecticut, it's unlikely that much will be done about gun
violence here soon.
Gun demagoguery begins with the refusal to recognize the most important fact
of the gun problem: that there are probably more than 200 million guns in
private hands in the United States and that most would never be taken away
even with the most punitive confiscation laws, which probably could not be
enacted in any event. Criminals aren't going to give up the tools of their
trade, and many, if not most, law-abiding people would not surrender their
only sure means of self-protection either.
The manufacture and sale of guns, particularly rapid-firing guns, should be
better regulated, but most guns need little maintenance to stay in working
order indefinitely. So this genie is out of the bottle and there will be no
putting him back in. The challenge to public policy then becomes not yielding
to delusions about the abolition of guns but rather learning how to live with
them.
Governor Rowland's recent action on the gun violence problem, his forbidding
state employees outside law enforcement from carrying guns to work, is not
very helpful; it is mainly political posturing. While there may be no great
harm in the governor's order and it might prevent some eruptions of rage on
the job from turning deadly, there seems never to have been any such incident
in state government. The gun violence to which the governor's order reacts,
state lottery employee Matthew Beck's murder of four supervisors at lottery
headquarters in Newington last year, would not have been prevented by it, for
Beck's crime was carefully premeditated.
Of course no one planning revengeful murder of his bosses, as Beck did, will
be deterred by the prospect of losing his job; he already has resolved to lose
his job. As is typical in such things, Beck apparently was resolved to lose
not just his job but his life as well; he shot himself to death as police
closed in.
Now a member of West Hartford's Town Council, John Shulansky, has proposed a
local ordinance outlawing the carrying of guns on town property. "I don't see
any reason why anyone would feel the need to bring a gun to the town hall or
to the skating rink or a park," Shulansky says, as if West Hartford, whose
demographics have fallen steadily in the last two decades, is perfectly free
of the threat of crime against which ordinary people might seek more
protection than the police can provide.
In any case, it's unlikely that people intent on committing crimes like
murder, rape, assault, and robbery, crimes well known even in West Hartford
now, as opposed to those people who are intent on committing only the new
crime of self-defense, would be deterred by the $90 fine West Hartford would
add to the long prison sentence the criminals are already prepared to risk.
The problem with gun regulation like this, which is in fact most gun
regulation, is that it disarms only the law-abiding. Thus it represents not
the solution but an abject capitulation to the problem. This kind of
regulation is popular with politicians because it helps them avoid their own
responsibility for the problem.
For most gun violence today arises from the failure of government policy in
two respects: drugs and mental illness. Both involve public health and so may
be part of the same failed general policy.
Treating drugs as a problem of criminal justice instead of as a problem of
public health has made contraband of drugs and thus put so much money into the
drug trade as to make it irresistible for the urban poor and drive them
outside the law. Pushed outside the law, they use gun violence to protect
their capital and their profits. Drug abuse is more pervasive than ever, the
prices of illegal drugs are lower than ever, the imprisoned and probationary
population is larger than ever, and gun violence arising from the drug trade
is appalling; by any measure the current approach to the drug problem is a
catastrophic failure. But in its failed Puritanism and prohibitionism,
Connecticut refuses to examine its failed policy and still prefers jailing
drug users to eliminating most gun violence.
Councilman Shulansky cites a neo-Nazi's recent shootings at a Jewish day care
center in Los Angeles and his murder of a mail carrier nearby as justification
for the West Hartford ordinance. But the criminal in Los Angeles was
chronically mentally ill more than he was political; he had been hospitalized
for insanity in Washington state and, after slashing himself and threatening
hospital workers with a knife, had told police that he wanted to shoot up a
shopping center, rob a bank, and force police officers to kill him. He should
have been committed to a mental institution permanently. Instead he was
released on probation and urged to take his medicine.
Beck, Connecticut's mass murderer, also long had been known to be mentally ill
and was feared by the people with whom he worked. Many other murders with guns
in the state in recent years have been committed by chronically mentally ill
people who were not institutionalized as they should have been.
But Connecticut's prescription for mental illness is only fresh air; the state
has emptied its mental hospitals onto the streets, preferring more gun
violence to having to abandon the pipe dream that outpatient treatment is
reliable.
Rather than face up to their failures with drugs and mental illness,
Connecticut's politicians increasingly choose to scapegoat law-abiding people
who own guns. Ironically, the more the politicians behave this way, the more
dangerous Connecticut will be and the more its law-abiding residents will have
reason to believe that they need guns.
(Chris Powell is managing editor of The Journal Inquirer in Manchester.)